Conquering the Unknown
A journey through the history of scientific exploration in the travel narratives of the Old Library
Conquering the Unknown
The civilised man needs to proportion his knowledge and pleasure to the abilities of his mind and the breadth of his desires. The sailor, as he progresses, discovers new objects that are useful to humanity; he outlines the various points of the globe, and thus secures his route and that of others; he learns to assess his fellow humans by drawing more comparisons. Each progression of his is a new step towards the greater knowledge of man and nature. It is a great and noble pursuit to take such risks and bear such expenses for the necessities of our entire society and for the increase of our true wealth.
In his preface to La Pérouse’s memoirs, Destouff de Milet de Mureau pays tribute to the venture which cost the captain and his crew their lives by underlining how noble and necessary worldwide exploration, which fills Europe with enthusiasm, has become at the end of the 18th century. On the same page, he distinguishes between “expeditions that are guided by ambition and self-interest”, with often harmful results, and “voyages of discoveries, whose aim was to bring benefits to the peoples and to widen the scope of science”.
Of course, only the latter are deemed worthy of the public’s praise and interest, depending on how much they contribute to the progress of universal knowledge. Several centuries after these great expeditions, the way we perceive the exploration of the Earth remains structured around the same distinction. Is the knowledge that European libraries start to gather from the end of the Middle Ages truly the product of pure and disinterested quests?
The curiosity that the Enlightenment considered as a crucial feature of the “civilized man” has a history. It is only once historians of science realised that, throughout the centuries, knowledge has rarely been constructed in isolation — although it is how we envision the dignity of science — that they began to write the history of that curiosity.
Despite their various social identities and motives, the fact that early modern travellers decided to collect and spread information that seemed worthy of interest makes their writings precious means of understanding the reasons and criteria behind their curiosity, and how both evolved.
The act of documenting a far-away region implies that the traveller is, to a certain extent, conscious of what he does not know, and it demonstrates a willingness to turn the unknown into the known. Therefore, every trip that can be termed an exploration is informed by the ways in which the traveller’s society constructs knowledge, and by the boundaries of this knowledge. Here, the scholarship of the authors is less important than the spaces their writings were destined to fill on the shelves of libraries, the information they bring to the largely incomplete maps of the world, and their descriptions to the knowledge, taste and imagination of sedentary readers.
Thanks to its historical collection of remarkable rare books, the Old Library of the Centre Culturel Irlandais offers the opportunity of a journey through space, from the Holy Land to the Coral Sea via the Canadian North, but also through time, as it evokes the various motives and identities of the many travellers, who have, one after the other, played their part in conquering the unknown.
Scholarly pilgrimages: the Holy Land between Biblical times and modernity
The tradition of the great Christian pilgrimage gave rise to stories and descriptions of the Holy Land, a prolific, very codified and even repetitive genre, which for a long time was cited to demonstrate that the mediaeval mentality devoted all its attention to spiritual realities. Contrary to exploratory ventures, which developed in the 15th century, the texts written by pilgrims seemed to corroborate the idea of a sudden and mysterious emergence of a new relationship to the world, associated with the Renaissance. However, this interpretation does not take into account the ways in which the texts linked to pilgrimages nonetheless contributed to the development of descriptive tools and to the emergence of a wide geographical curiosity. In the eyes of contemporaries of the discoveries, the continuity between holy geography and the description of newly discovered territories seemed indeed so obvious that it deserved Montaigne’s criticism that topographers, “because they have the advantage over us, that they have seen Palestine, [...] want to hold the privilege of telling us tell us news of all the rest of the world.”
Indeed, in the 14th and 15th centuries, as the journey to Jerusalem becomes increasingly frequent and standardised, both materially and spiritually, pilgrims’ accounts make more and more room for the description of the different stages of the journey, while the description of the holy city recedes into the background. Some pilgrims are as captivated by Mediterranean cities as they are by the remains of Biblical history. The ventures that encounter the greatest publishing success draw upon typographical innovations to satisfy topographical curiosity, as Bernhard von Breydenbach’s work epitomises (book 1).
Spire, [1502].
On loan from the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève.
The precise descriptions made by this canon of Mainz, who undertook the pilgrimage in 1483, as well as the quality of the illustrations by Erhard Reuwich from Utrecht, a painter he took with him, explain the great publishing success of this work. First published in 1486, it was republished a dozen times in less than forty years and translated many times. At the beginning of the 16th century, when the publishing production of pilgrims’ accounts collapsed, the publications of this book represented almost all the works of this type still being published.
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Towards the end of the 16th century and during the 17th century, when Catholic spiritual renewal fosters new enthusiasm for pilgrimages, the interest for modern Palestine often overlaps and combines with the quest to find the setting where Biblical miracles took place (book 3). The cohabitation of many cultural and religious communities encourages some, like Eugène Roger (book 2), to develop ethnographical comparisons. The cultural centrality of the Holy Land for the Christian West was therefore not incompatible with the construction of Europe’s scientific knowledge of the world.
Paris, 1664.
Eugène Roger is a Franciscan friar who spent five years in the Holy Land, from 1629 to 1634, amongst the Franciscan community in charge of supervising Catholic pilgrims. His description of sacred places is conventional, but it is enhanced by many observations on the various religious denominations of Palestine, as well as by engravings he made himself.
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Paris, 1661.
The author is a priest who went to Jerusalem in 1651-1652. He oscillates between an account of the spiritual stakes of the journey and a desire to report on its present aspects, notably by documenting what the modern city of Jerusalem looks like.
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“They are the living books you need to study”: the rise of missionary knowledge and the Jesuits’ China
The pilgrims’ descriptions reveal that a spiritual voyage can go hand in hand with secular curiosity, but the extraordinary expansion of Christian missions from the 16th century onwards inextricably binds religious proselytising with cognitive methods. The Jesuits were the heirs of mediaeval missionaries, but they developed new practices to study pagan societies, shaping their precise knowledge into a tool for conversion. This is the spirit of Saint Francis Xavier’s entreaty, which is used as a title for this part. Indeed, the geographical exploration and mapping of new lands that are discovered are useful to the material progression of the missions (book 5); the construction of new linguistic knowledge, through the compilation of dictionaries and grammars in the languages of the peoples the missionaries meet, makes adequate communication possible; the ethnographical descriptions provide the cultural codes to which the missionaries must conform, but also lay out the value systems their teaching must be adapted to (book 4). This practical scope, ad majorem Dei gloriam, sharpens the missionaries’ outlook of the foreign natural and human world, and will eventually make their information largely preferable, for Jean-Jacques Rousseau, to that of the navigators, even when they are great scholars.
Paris, 1645 (first French edition).
A Portuguese Jesuit trained in Macau, Semedo joins the Chinese mission in 1613 and soon becomes one of its more important members: he is chosen to represent the mission at the Congregation of Procurators of the Jesuit provinces in 1636. During this stay in Europe, he writes a report in Portuguese, which is the first version of this book. Its first publication in Spanish, its early translations, and its numerous republications show the scholarly public’s taste for descriptions of China, which were still very rare.
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Paris, 1653 (first édition).
Alexandre de Rhodes, a Jesuit missionary sent to Cochinchina and Tonkin, develops a phonetic transcription of Vietnamese in Latin-script alphabet. His highly successful descriptions illustrate the two-fold goal of most missionary accounts: they provide information about far-away territories and peoples, but also spiritual examples, by recounting the history of the progress of Christianisation despite adversity. This map of Conchinchina contains geographical and ethnographical notes as well as references to the history of Jesuit missions.
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Liege, 1700.
The author is a Jesuit mathematician who lived in China between 1687 and 1691. After publishing his own famous description of China, he devotes himself to the defence of the Company, which is criticised by rival orders because it allows converts to continue practicing the rites of ancestor veneration and the veneration of Confucius. In this small apologetic book, he attempts to explain the cultural relativism of Jesuit missionaries. His two books are censored by the faculty of theology in Paris in 1700. The controversy will go on until 1773, when the Company of Jesus is dissolved.
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It is probably in the Far East, where they started to travel in the early days of the Company, that the Jesuits acquired the earliest intimate knowledge of societies that were unknown to European civilisation. They remained the main source of information about the region until modern times. In China in particular, they encountered a refined civilization whose wealth of knowledge they appreciated and whose values they adopted, for instance by wearing the attire of Chinese scholars. Their scientific approach and their cultural openness questioned the epistemological limits of European thinking, but they went further by also interrogating its cultural and religious conscience. Because the Jesuits adapted the concepts that are at the heart of Christian monotheism, but also, more importantly, because they took Chinese spiritual traditions into account, Catholic authorities feared a risk of alienation, despite the way in which the Company tried to justify itself in what is commonly called the Chinese Rites controversy (book 6).
Engraving from China illustrata by Athanasius Kircher (1667) representing the Chinese writing technique (modus scribendi).
© Österreichische Nationalbibliothek
The ambassadors’ contribution: the East in the 16th and 17th centuries
At the beginning of the early modern period, the missionaries’ religious project, aimed at humanity as a whole, is one of the sources of both European expansion and a new curiosity for the world. The Old World’s new political ambitions simultaneously fuel the need to understand far-away countries. This is the reason why diplomats sent by European courts also become pioneering figures of exploration in the 16th and 17th centuries. Diplomatic missions provide the necessary impulse to undertake long and dangerous journeys; they are equipped with a skilled crew, subsidies and the protection now granted to diplomatic missions.
From the 15th century onwards, diplomatic networks develop in Europe, and thus the circle of international relations becomes wider and wider, encompassing increasingly diverse cultures. In the 16th century, these connections extend further than the boundaries of Western Christianity: despite Europe’s outrage, Francis I of France forms an alliance with the Ottoman Empire against Charles V. Shared geopolitical interests seem to be able to transcend religious and cultural differences. Other European powers are eager not to be outdone and also widen their diplomatic horizons, in order to corner their enemy. After the Ottoman Empire (book 7), or rather against it, Western embassies settle in other neighbouring powers: Persia (book 8) and Muscovy (book 9).
Paris, 1646.
Busbecq, a young Flemish humanist, is chosen by Emperor Charles V in 1555 to negotiate peace with the Ottoman sultan. The Turkish letters he starts to publish in Latin in 1581 contain detailed observations from his seven-year stay in Istanbul. The author’s scientific preoccupations are apparent in his ethnographic and linguistic remarks, as seen here, where he gathers information and makes hypotheses about a Gothic dialect spoken in Crimea at the time.
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London, 1634 (1ère édition).
Relationships between England and Persia started at the end of the 16th century to develop a coalition project against the Turks as well as a trade agreement. This latter goal is what motivates the diplomatic mission in which Thomas Herbert takes part. His book aims at describing and showing the curiosities of the fauna, flora and societies of the countries they go through. Here he shows the birds of Mauritius, visited during the outward journey, including the famous dodo.
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London, 1669.
The embassies sent to Moscow and Isfahan in 1633 and 1635 by Frederick III of Holstein-Gottorp were meant to trace a new route for the trade of silk that would benefit the Duke’s cities. The descriptions they resulted in, written by the ambassador’s circle, were a very important source for the geographical and ethnographic knowledge of these countries. The maps designed by Olearius drew the attention of Tzar Michael I, who tried to convince him to remain at his service.
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Describing the country is already a traditional requirement of the ambassadors’ duties, but in these little-known regions, it takes on a renewed importance: besides assessing the country’s natural resources and geography, the ambassador needs to report on the workings of institutions and political traditions, and even on the rules of public and private morality. This allows them to piece together a rational system, the condition on which every partnership is built. Head to head with otherness, the ambassadors very often choose to go beyond the limits of what they are expected to do: convinced that their experience is significant, they choose, when they return, to publish a description of what they have seen and understood of the countries they have visited. While the success of their missions clears the way for other travellers, merchants or scholars after them, the success of their books paves the way for a new curiosity for the East, where the wealth and strangeness of Constantinople and Isfahan overthrow Jerusalem.
The search for new routes and the Northwest Passage
In addition to military alliances, sending embassies to far-away countries is a way to gain commercial benefits and trade deals, to circumvent monopolies and to allow the nations they represent to benefit from flows of Eastern goods that Europe cannot do without, notably Chinese silk, spices, in particular Indian pepper, and gemstones. The Ottoman expansion of the 15th and 16th centuries in the Western Mediterranean secures the passage of these goods for the Turks, to the detriment of Italian merchants. Therefore, European powers undertake a search for new routes, notably by sea, to circumvent this monopoly.
It is a well-known fact that Christopher Columbus, when he set sail to travel westwards, was attempting to reach the Indies. By following another route that had already be partly outlined by Bartolomeu Dias, Vasco de Gama ensures that it is the Portuguese who succeed in reaching the Indies by sailing around Africa. Their aim is to keep the route and its commercial benefits to themselves; they therefore defend it in the Indian Ocean against the Ottomans, who are eager to keep their monopoly. The hopes and competitive spirit of the other Western European powers focus on the search for a new and more direct route via the North: the first geographical expeditions financed by states are set up in this aim.
As early as 1497, when, following advances in South America, Europe realises how great an obstacle the continent actually is, King Henri VIII of England sends explorer John Cabot to find a passage in the Northwest. The exploration of the river Saint-Laurent, in Quebec, is the first possibility they envisage, and French sailors, like Jacques Cartier or Jean Alfonse (book 10) compete for a while with the English. Then, at the beginning of the 17th century, hopes crystallise around the Hudson Bay, until Luke Foxe, having gone around it, concludes that the ice leaves no passage (book 11). Efforts resume in the 18th century from the west coast of the American continent, driven by the rise of commercial exchanges between the lands of the North Pacific (book 12). The passage is only crossed at the beginning of the 20th century and this will confirm that it is of no use for trading. However, the unrelenting search for this route in the preceding centuries decisively influenced the ethnographical study of Arctic populations, and fostered the progress of cartography and of the science of navigation.
Poitiers, 1559.
Drawing on the experience of navigation and maritime routes that he acquired aboard Portuguese ships, Jean Alfonse offers his services to France when it tries to explore and colonise Canada. In 1544, he explores the Saint-Laurent, looking for a passage to the Indies. In this book, which is published posthumously and describes the new lands and sea routes he went through, this is where he locates a possible passage. His account is not without mirabilia, as seen here, where the inhabitants of Newfoundland are described as having tails.
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London, 1635.
Luke Foxe’s discoveries ruined almost every hope of finding a passage through the Hudson Bay. Yet, in this book, which was published to give an account of his journey and is very rare today, he refuses to admit it. Foxe dedicates the book to King Charles I and wishes him to be the one who will benefit from the discovery of a passage.
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London, 1790.
Meares, born in Dublin in 1756, takes part in the development of the fur trade between the Indigenous Americans of the Northwest and China in the 1780s. Worried about how this infringed on its perceived rights, the Spanish colonial power attempts to reassert its sovereignty over the lands of the American Northwest. Here, because he would like to see Britain intervene in this conflict, the explorer attempts to demonstrate the possible existence of a Northwest Passage, leading exactly to the disputed territory.
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“In the name of humanity, arts and sciences”: the great expeditions in the time of La Pérouse
It is while he, too, was looking for the Northwest Passage that Captain James Cook died, killed by the inhabitants of Hawaii during his third voyage in 1779. By that time, sea voyages of exploration had changed in scale and contributed to the rise of new scientific approaches. The great scientific expeditions of the 18th century, as they are known, are accompanied by a public discourse which places value in travellers’ disinterest and the purity of their curiosity.
By doing so, this kind of discourse claims that nations compete for the scientific prestige to be gained from discoveries that could benefit humanity as a whole, rather than for the practical scopes of exploration. For instance, the goal of the first great collective expeditions of France, of which the Académie des Sciences is a patron, like that of Maupertuis in Laponia and La Condamine in Peru during the 1730s and 1740s, is to settle the theoretical debate about the shape of the globe. However, the great expeditions financed by European governments did not do away with all practical concerns and were keen to combine them with other preoccupations, all the while invoking a thorough curiosity for the natural and human world. Before his attempt in the Northwest, Cook’s first voyage united several objectives: one was the discovery of the Terra Australis, which whet the appetite of maritime powers, while the other was the astronomical observation of the transit of Venus, in coordination with other scientists across the world, and the description of the fauna and flora of the Pacific.
To match Cook’s achievements, from the point of view of scientific prestige as well as the concrete advantages his discoveries secured for England, a large-scale expedition is organised in 1783. It is financed by the King of France, endowed with unprecedented human and material means, and Count La Pérouse is entrusted with the task of leading it (book 13). The planning of this expedition causes a stir in Europe, as rival powers do not want to be outdone by France. In 1785, Catherine II of Russia, for instance, tasks Captain Billings with a large-scale expedition in the North Pacific (book 15). The international competition that arises after the disappearance of La Pérouse’s ships in 1788 is most representative of the way voyages of this period contributed to the construction of a boundless scientific field and community. The numerous expeditions launched to find La Pérouse fuel the legend surrounding his expedition until 1827, when Peter Dillon, an Irish captain, discovers the place where he ran aground (book 14).
Paris, 1797.
On loan from the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève.
Several months before it disappears, La Pérouse’s expedition makes a stopover on the Kamchatka peninsula, in September 1787. They take this opportunity to send back to France the maps, memoirs and journals they have produced so far. These are the documents that were published in 1791 on the Convention’s orders, along with the instruction given to the expedition by Louis XVI, a testament to the Revolutionaries’ commitment to the ideal of increasing knowledge, embodied in the unfortunate captain. The quotation in the title of this part of the exhibition is from another decree, issued in the same year, to search for the lost ships.
© Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève
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London, 1829.
In 1826, Dillon, the captain of a ship trading in the South Pacific, purchases the fragment of a sword from the inhabitants of the island of Tikopia. When he enquires about where it was found, he understands that La Pérouse’s ships have run aground on the neighbouring island of Vanikoro. Dillon publishes his discovery in this book, which is also an ethnographical description of Melanesian peoples. This discovery earns him the gratitude of the French government, who grant him a pension for life.
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London, 1802.
Tasked with charting the Eastern coast of Siberia, the Bering Strait and the coast of Alaska to claim new territories for the Russian Empire, Billings’s expedition also undertakes a more disinterested description of the Chukchi and Aleutian peoples, as shown by these ethnographical sketches.
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Conclusion
In the second half of the 18th century, the written discourse surrounding the great scientific expeditions advocated the disinterest of scientific approaches, and in particular of the geographical, ethnographical and biological exploration of the world. The commendable emulation between European institutions and scientists seemed to conceal the concrete goals of competing powers, outlining the possibility of a public science, whose reach is collectively extended. Although the colonial division of the world in the next century bitterly belied it, this vision of science and exploration continually influenced the history of scientific travels. In the great narrative of the achievements reached thanks to Europe’s thirst to understand the world, the processes that explicitly linked exploration to other goals were completely forgotten. The religious origins of the ethnographic curiosity and methods of the 15th and 16th centuries, in particular, were written out, as was the key role played by the pursuit of political and commercial benefits in the 17th century. Browsing through a collection as valuable as that of the Old Library allows us to reconstruct how important these evolutions were, both in the history of exploration and in that of the reception of scientific accounts, to shape the relationship to the unknown in the early modern era.
Scientific direction: Ladislas Latoch
PhD student in Early Modern History, Sorbonne Université
Research Fellow, Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève
Photographs by Damien Boisson-Berçu
This exhibition is presented in partnership with the Bibliothèque Sainte-Geneviève as part of the 2022 thematic year on scientific travels.
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At the end of the Middle-Ages, men decided to leave the European continent to discover the World. This period well-known as the “Age of Discoveries” thus took an outstanding place in our Modern History. However, historians are now bringing a fresh perspective to those discoveries. They were not as sudden as depicted, nor exclusively European, and they were not only motivated only by the will to discover new lands.
Source : Le Cours de l’Histoire, France Culture
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Interview with François Moureau, professor emeritus at Paris-Sorbonne, as part of the online lecture series “Travel Literature”.
Source: Université de la Réunion